NRO: Musharraf's proxy war

This past week witnessed the most eloquent political assertion by the civil society of Pakistan about their notion of what constitutes the constitutional and civic foundations of the state. June 10 unearthed the highly visible and massive demonstration by the people of Pakistan to bring back the only notional semblance of self-esteem ever seen in the country. Never before had so few, indeed starting from merely one, stood out so boldly for the sake of a principle in a society where hypocrisy and sycophancy have been the accepted mantra of all those who are in a position of ostensible power.
This is the historical debt that the nation owes initially to the Chief Justice Chaudhry and then the sixty plus judges of the superior judiciary who preferred to face ouster from service and detention rather than pay homage and courtesy to the blatant despotism of a general who has scorned the rule of law and constitutionalism.
Despite this event which is really a phenomenon, neither the current government nor Musharraf who still occupies the presidency were visibly moved. Why? I am afraid the answer, despite one's reluctance to so admit, lies in the NRO enacted by Musharraf to woe over the political might of the PPP. I have already examined this matter in some depth in my columns before and it is thus necessary to see only the current political metamorphosis.
It is entirely on account of the NRO that Musharraf has thus succeeded in staying in office despite losing heavily on all political fronts. It is more than established by various facts that this being accomplished by the proxy political war that is being conducted on his behalf by the many powerful beneficiaries of the NRO in the federal government.
So the questions that the people of Pakistan have a right to ask are: (1) Who are the major beneficiaries of this ordinance? (2) How many of them are in the present government? What are the major amounts of funds that they have individually and collectively succeeded in getting from being prosecuted by the state?
Recently Naheed Khan, the former confidant of Benazir Bhutto raised the following pertinent inquiries through the press for possible response from the authorities. Let me reiterate the ethos of these questions and then signify their importance in the present political milieu of Pakistan. (i) Where did the car accompanying the vehicle of Benazir Bhutto suddenly disappear a short while before the Liaqat Bagh bombing? (ii) Why is the PPP government not registering an FIR against the accused nominated by Mohtarma? (iii) Does the matter of validity of "will" of Benazir Bhutto await determination? (iv) The nature of major decisions of Asif Zardari and are they genuinely supported by the PPP? (v) What is the difference between the pattern of politics of Asif Zardari and Benazir Bhutto? (vi) What will be the future of the PPP in the wake of the current opposition to restore judges?
The undeniable message of these inquiries is because of the decisions that Asif Ali Zardari is currently making and the innuendo that all this is currently the result of the Deal. This is abundantly clear by the raising of these further questions by the long-time political secretary of Benazir. (i) What was the deal reached between Benazir Bhutto and Musharraf (ii) Who held negotiations from the two sides for a deal? (iii) Was any part of the deal violated by Musharraf? (iv)When did the Musharraf government get afraid of Benazir Bhutto? (v) What views did Benazir Bhutto have about the "constitutional package" now being proffered by Asif Zardari? (vi) After visiting the house of the detained chief justice in December, would Benazir Bhutto have reinstated the judges immediately when her PPP formed the federal government?
Benazir's death did bring the PPP to power but to retain that position requires an approach that is not evident from the current appointments or policies of that Party. Musharraf continues to eye his own perpetuity somehow by manoeuvring from within and outside debacles of the PPP. Perhaps sensing this possibility Zardari, of late, tried to speak out of his own fears. While talking to the journalists on the 55th birth anniversary of late Benazir Bhutto that was held at the Naudero House, Larkana, on June 21 he said that the PPP has a consensus with the PML-N over the reinstatement of the deposed judges. He further said that if President Musharraf was not removed, both he and possibly the PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif would be in Landhi Jail. He further added that the resolution for constituting an investigation commission to probe the assassination of Benazir Bhutto had been sent to the United Nations after getting passed from the National Assembly and he was looking into the matter personally.
Zardari further importantly added that the PPP workers made Yousuf Raza Gilani the prime minister and ultimately the new president would be from among the party workers.
This last sentiment signals perhaps a frontal attack on Musharraf? I tend to think so though many doubt this being the real policy of the current PPP government. A substantial number of the people who know the realties of our political culture know that this is perhaps only for possible drama purposes.