NRO: Musharraf's proxy war

This past week witnessed the most eloquent political assertion by the civil society of Pakistan about their notion of what constitutes the constitutional and civic foundations of the state. June 10 unearthed the highly visible and massive demonstration by the people of Pakistan to bring back the only notional semblance of self-esteem ever seen in the country. Never before had so few, indeed starting from merely one, stood out so boldly for the sake of a principle in a society where hypocrisy and sycophancy have been the accepted mantra of all those who are in a position of ostensible power.
This is the historical debt that the nation owes initially to the Chief Justice Chaudhry and then the sixty plus judges of the superior judiciary who preferred to face ouster from service and detention rather than pay homage and courtesy to the blatant despotism of a general who has scorned the rule of law and constitutionalism.
Despite this event which is really a phenomenon, neither the current government nor Musharraf who still occupies the presidency were visibly moved. Why? I am afraid the answer, despite one's reluctance to so admit, lies in the NRO enacted by Musharraf to woe over the political might of the PPP. I have already examined this matter in some depth in my columns before and it is thus necessary to see only the current political metamorphosis.
It is entirely on account of the NRO that Musharraf has thus succeeded in staying in office despite losing heavily on all political fronts. It is more than established by various facts that this being accomplished by the proxy political war that is being conducted on his behalf by the many powerful beneficiaries of the NRO in the federal government.
So the questions that the people of Pakistan have a right to ask are: (1) Who are the major beneficiaries of this ordinance? (2) How many of them are in the present government? What are the major amounts of funds that they have individually and collectively succeeded in getting from being prosecuted by the state?
Recently Naheed Khan, the former confidant of Benazir Bhutto raised the following pertinent inquiries through the press for possible response from the authorities. Let me reiterate the ethos of these questions and then signify their importance in the present political milieu of Pakistan. (i) Where did the car accompanying the vehicle of Benazir Bhutto suddenly disappear a short while before the Liaqat Bagh bombing? (ii) Why is the PPP government not registering an FIR against the accused nominated by Mohtarma? (iii) Does the matter of validity of "will" of Benazir Bhutto await determination? (iv) The nature of major decisions of Asif Zardari and are they genuinely supported by the PPP? (v) What is the difference between the pattern of politics of Asif Zardari and Benazir Bhutto? (vi) What will be the future of the PPP in the wake of the current opposition to restore judges?