Good news
By INAYATULLAH August 9, 2008 Nawaz Sharif's determined move to hold "make or break" talks with Zardari has paid off. The joint statement issued at the end of the discussions spread over three days in Islamabad spells out the agreement amongst the coalition partners consisting of PPP, PML (N), ANP and JUI to impeach the president first and then restore the judges in accordance with the Murree declaration.
It was not easy for Zardari to agree to the reinstatement of the judges nor was it expected that he would fall in line with PML (N)'s stand that Musharraf must go if democracy is to succeed. Zardari owes the withdrawal of cases pending against him to Musharraf's NRO. He, like Musharraf also was not in favour of restoration of judges especially justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry who could undo NRO.
What drove Zardari to stop dragging his feet on PML (N)'s two demands about the ouster of Musharraf and the return of judges was (a) the prospect of losing the support of PML (N) and aversion to forge a partnership with the "Qatil", League and (b) the increasing differences arising between the PPP government and the presidency on a number of matters including appointments in strategic institutions and offices. The ISI episode too may have influenced Zardari's mind to replace Musharraf with someone of his own choice.
The attempt to restore 8 Sindh high court judges was a typically Zardarian stratagem to subvert the struggle for the reinstatement of judges and weaken the lawyers' movement. Nawaz Sharif's sharp reaction to this unexpected and unacceptable initiative and his refusal to continue with the talks forced Zardari's hands and stopped the issuing of the requisite notification. Naek played the role of a cat's paw.
Why are the lawyers unhappy with the joint decision announced by Zardari and Nawaz at a press conference? Hamid Khan a former president of the supreme court bar association speaking at a TV channel has expressed the view that by relegating the issue of judges to a secondary place, the matter has been put on the back burner. The process of president's impeachment is bound to take many weeks and no date has been fixed regarding the restoration of the judges.
Was it necessary to link impeachment with resolutions to be passed by all the provincial assemblies? Yes the provincial assemblies do constitute a part of the electoral college for election to office of the president. For impeachment, only the national assembly and the senate are required to exercise their right to institute the proceedings.
There is a possibility of difficulties arising in some of the provincial assemblies. Use of money to lure some of the elected members of the houses cannot be ruled out. One may recall here the discovery of large bags of cash in the lok sabha on the day the vote of confidence was tabled in the house. It is however a good move to ask Musharraf to take a vote of confidence which he promised to the supreme court on the eve of his election and has so far avoided honoring this commitment.
Two important factors with regard to impeachment of Musharraf need to be noted. One, the American attitude and the other how the Pakistan army looks at the action proposed to be taken against retired general. The first reaction from Washington - a brief statement from the state department that the impeachment of the incumbent president is Pakistan's internal affair, recognizes the importance of the democratic process. That there is no word for Musharraf strengthens the impression that Americans are inclined to work with the new government and they would no longer be dependent on just one man for the achievement of their objectives. Two, Luckily the new army chief General Kiyani has been consistent in keeping the army away from politics. Much of course will depend on how the coalition government manages the daunting economic problems and addresses the challenge posed by the extremists and militants in the north - west and Balochistan.
There is a probability of PML (N) rejoining the central cabinet. This should strengthen the coalition government. The return of Dar and Ahsan Iqbal would be of considerable value as the performance of the ministries of finance and education leaves much to be desired. It is important that the impression of a non-performing government is dispelled.
Good governance is also necessary, in fact, vital for the democratic process to continue. Poor and substandard performance coupled with the evils of corruption, nepotism and misuse of resources is bound to sow doubts in the minds of the people in general and more significantly in those who really matter.
The prospects are good for the system this time in view of the coming together of the two major political parties who earlier were ruthless rivals and who left no stone unturned to pull each other down. Adversity is a good teacher and both Nawaz and Zardari appear to have learnt their lessons.
As Zardari carriers the baggage of NRO with him and was known for his wayward ways, a greater responsibility rests on Nawaz Sharif. Nawaz has grown a lot and it indeed was a statesmanlike initiative on his part to evolve the Charter of Democracy and persuade most of the leading political parties to endorse it. Benazir herself signed it. Its contents should be a prescribed reading for all elected members of the provincial and central assemblies as well as the senate.
It will be a good idea if Nawaz and Zardari meet every few days, say fortnightly during the next 6 months or so to exchange ideas and views and iron out differences which are bound to crop up from time to time. Nawaz for instance could advise Zardari and persuade him not to let unelected functionaries like Rehman Malik wield unfettered authority.
He must insist on all important matters to be discussed at length in the cabinet. This will not only result in broad-based decisions but also strengthen the prime minister's hands. Gilani so far has failed to emerge as an effective "chief executive ". Zardari has to abstain himself from issuing off-the-cuff statements on policy matters. Some of his articulations regarding India and especially Kashmir have not been well received.
The two should also do their best to strengthen institutions. Six of these stand out: the parliament, the judiciary, the election commission, the public services commission, the planning commission and the civil services. All vital national issues must be discussed in the national assembly and the senate. Standing parliamentary committees should meet frequently to oversee the working of the ministries and other governmental organizations.
An effective and competent planning commission is essential for long-term integrated plans and programmes for economic and social development. The election commission and the federal public services commission must be independent and autonomous. As for the civil services there is need for a high powered commission to take steps to restore the civil services moral and help them refashion their approach to work demanded by a fast moving globalized world. As a first step all the posts held by serving and retired army officers should be restored to civil employees. Only a competent and well provided civil service can ensure good governance. The politicians of course have to set the agenda and the policies. Good governance is the key to success of the new democratic process.
The writer is an ex-federal secretary and ambassador
E-mail: pacade@brain.net.pk