“China is a sleeping giant; let him sleep, for if he wakes, he will shake the world,” prophesied Napoleon Bonaparte about China in the 19th century. However, internal discord, a lack of national cohesion, and European and Japanese imperialism led to a century of humiliation (1839-1949) in Chinese history, making China vulnerable to the volatile geopolitical environment of that era. The great communist revolution led by the charismatic Mao Zedong established Chinese sovereignty on 1st October 1949. From that day, Chinese leadership recognised that political stability was a foremost pillar of the state, a direct lesson from a century of humiliation; otherwise, China would descend into chaos, mayhem, and anarchy.

The teachings of China’s great philosopher Confucius (551 BCE) have left a profound imprint on the state’s politics, economy, and society. Confucius believed that statecraft must be conducted by visionary leaders, and only such leaders should be followed and revered for a flourishing and progressive society. From ancient times to modern China, there has been a strong emphasis on the quality of leadership. From President Mao to President Xi Jinping, each leader has brought a unique and visionary approach to guiding the country.

Despite visionary leadership, some of President Mao’s plans, such as the Great Leap Forward (1958-1962) and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), failed to achieve their intended goals. These failed experiments teach us that even visionary leaders cannot operate in a vacuum without a broader understanding of the geopolitical and technological realities of their era.

Nevertheless, President Mao is credited with preserving the Chinese revolution, strengthening the Communist Party of China (CPC), and establishing a hierarchy of leadership with strict discipline within the party, making the CPC the sole representative of Chinese politics. By establishing a one-party state, China has maintained strict political stability, though this progress has sometimes involved silencing political dissent, even through force.

After Mao’s death in 1976, subsequent leaders, particularly President Deng Xiaoping, pursued an economic vision focused on liberalisation, privatisation, opening up, and attracting foreign direct investment. These leaders integrated China’s economy into the global market while maintaining strict control over its politics.

China’s economy is built on four major pillars. The first is an export-led model centred around Special Economic Zones, where special incentives create a pro-business environment. The second is cheap labour, which allows China to increase profits and savings. The third is internal investment, with major state enterprises injecting funds into the economy. Finally, the Chinese state plays a dispensable role in managing the economy, particularly through fiscal policies. This unique combination of Western neo-liberal economic principles with Chinese characteristics has made the state the ultimate arbiter of economic decisions.

In the 1970s, China’s economy was worth only $100 billion, but with these principles, the country managed to achieve a growth rate of 9-10% for four decades, becoming the world’s second-largest economy by 2010. By 2024, China’s GDP has risen to $18 trillion, with foreign reserves around $3.2 trillion, surpassing the USA as the top trading nation with Asian, African, Latin American, and European countries. According to IMF and World Bank predictions, China may overtake the US economy in the coming decade. Thus, political stability and economic progress have positioned China as a formidable player on the international stage.

Beyond its political and economic achievements, China has invested heavily in human development, particularly in education, women’s empowerment, and healthcare. The country boasts a literacy rate of around 97%, with a special focus on science, technology, artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and space science. Notably, a significant number of leading foreign graduates and postgraduates from top American universities are of Chinese origin. American tech experts predict that China may surpass the US in AI and nanotechnology in the near future.

China has also focused on improving its soft power and global image. To enhance its soft image, China has promoted its culture, especially the Chinese language and Confucian teachings. The country has established Confucius Institutes across various nations, particularly in Asia and Africa. Economic investments, bilateral trade, and peaceful geopolitical initiatives, such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and efforts to mediate in conflicts like the Ukraine war and the Middle East, have further strengthened China’s soft power projection.

China has also prioritised its defence, maintaining robust internal security and a strong military presence. In 2024, China’s defence budget is approximately $470 billion, as noted by scholars like Taylor Fravel, George J. Gilboy, and Eric Heginbotham. Much of this expenditure is directed towards modernising the military and countering perceived threats from the US and its alliances, such as QUAD and AUKUS. Remarkably, China has not engaged in any military conflict since the late 1970s, despite a strong commitment to unification with Taiwan.

China is a close ally of Pakistan, and there are valuable lessons Pakistan can learn from China’s experience. First, Pakistan should consider how to establish a political model that ensures stability and meets the aspirations of the people. Pakistan can also benefit from China’s economic model, particularly as both countries are deeply integrated through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Additionally, managing internal and external security without provoking neighbouring countries is another lesson Pakistan can learn from China, especially as it continues to face a wave of terrorism since the turn of the century. Finally, Pakistan should invest in its soft power to improve its global image, drawing inspiration from China’s efforts in this area.

Sher Ali Bukhari
The writer is a UET alumni with keen interest in Pakistan’s foreign policy.