“I believe in Hindutva, which is based on the age-old concept of ‘Vasudeva Kutumbakam.’ … I am confident my Hindutva face will be an asset when dealing with foreign affairs with other nations.” ~ Narendra Modi (2014), in an interview in The Indian Express and quoted by The Diplomat.
Indian foreign policy under the current BJP regime is deeply influenced by Hindutva ideology; for the first two terms of Narendra Modi, everything seemed to be working his way. The Hindutva philosophy was a huge sell-off to the general public at home, and the West was eagerly ‘buying’ whatever he was ‘selling’. At the home front, the Hindutva philosophy seems quite attractive and a forlorn dream coming to reality whereby India is for Hindus only – Hinduism being the supreme religion, a dominant culture and a force to be reckoned with – and that eventually they would be a world power ruling the East and making the West ‘bow’ to its whims and wishes. Naturally, the results were horrific, where the complete fabric of Indian society changed from a ‘Tricolour’ to ‘Saffron’. Alongside, to gain a sympathetic overview by the world at large and retain a balanced outlook, the proponents of Hindutva and the die-hard lovers of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar present the conceptualisation of Hindutva through the lens of classical ideals of Hinduism, despite the fact they were never central to Savarkar’s articulation in 1923: living in harmony (Samanvaya), universal welfare (Sarve Bhavantu Sukhinaḥ), global family (Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam), and self-control (Saiyam) – reflecting a pluralistic and inclusive approach to society.
Apparently, it takes some time to wake up to reality and that too a harsh one – the international honeymoon season is over, and the home crowd is perplexed with the current scenario that is unfolding. Eventually, they will wake up to reality, though so much poison has been ingrained and spewed that it would take considerable time and effort for detoxification.
From Nehru’s secularism and non-aligned posture, India is now identified as a bastion of Hindutva ideology, and the promising results of Indian foreign policy in the initial two terms of Modi are now turning into a total disaster. It is in disarray and apparently has taken a nosedive and serious setback, though the reality has hit home, especially after the recent conflict with Pakistan. Strategic autonomy maintained by Nehru has been battered, and the diplomacy now guided by the Modi–Doval duo is more confrontational and less cooperative, with an increasing reliance on covert and coercive tools to achieve foreign policy goals. Such tactics eventually backfire, and space for any manoeuvre is receding. The image of a peace-loving, welcoming, congenial and secular country – very carefully carved by Nehru – is replaced by a hard-line Hindu nationalist state. All its neighbours, including the arch-rival Pakistan, and Canada – a safe haven for Indians – have been snubbed, and once cordial relations are now bitter. The diplomatic snubs are quite frequent, possibly because of a misplaced pride in its Hindutva identity, and a seasoned diplomat like Subrahmanyam Jaishankar has resorted to a blunt style that is discourteous or overly rigid in delicate diplomatic settings.
The so-much hyped Trump-Modi relations are spiralling down, and the latest imposition of tariffs by the US depicts friction in once more-than-cordial relations. Seen once as a regional check to China’s expansion and being part of the Quad, there is a chain of events that highlight that India’s diplomatic relations with the US are worsening and may not heal any time soon – covert action exposed to neutralise Gurpatwant Singh Pannun’s on American soil; imposition of US tariffs on Indian goods first to 25% and then increase to 50% mainly because despite sanctions on Russia, India continues to buy Russian crude oil; claim by the US President to have brokered the India-Pakistan ceasefire when ‘Indian government’ approached him; open criticism by President Trump on India’s partnership with Russia; scepticism about India’s commitment to aligning with US strategic interests; and unkept promises that have raised doubts on the viability and effectiveness of the Quad. There is a visible strain, and it is evident from strong public condemnation by Indian officials and business leaders on social media. Indian officials swiftly began weighing options to reduce tensions, including possible diversification of energy sources away from Russian oil and started considering protective measures such as interest subsidies and loan guarantees to help exporters cope with declining US demand and increased costs.
The problems with the US do not end here, as Indian billionaire Gautam Adani and key executives from his conglomerate have been charged by US prosecutors with orchestrating a bribery and fraud scheme involving over $250 million in bribes to secure lucrative solar energy contracts in India. The case alleges misleading US investors about anti-corruption compliance and falsifying disclosures during fundraising rounds. The legal proceedings in the US are ongoing, with arrest warrants reportedly issued, suggesting a lengthy and high-profile trial ahead. This case also reflects poorly on the Modi regime, given Adani’s close ties and significant role as a BJP donor. This represents a significant blow impacting Indian business and diplomatic standing with the US, adding another layer of complexity to already strained India-US relations.
India’s policy of targeting and assassinating dissidents, Sikhs and Kashmiris alike, utilising the full force of R&AW, is now part of their aggressive foreign policy. This seems to be straight from Mossad’s playbook and appears to be a manifestation of Ajit Doval’s Offensive Defence policy, now a strategic national security doctrine that shifts India’s posture from passive, reactive defence to proactive, pre-emptive action against perceived threats. Planning false-flag operations on one’s own soil and to eliminate individuals on foreign soil that are perceived as a threat to the Indian state or the Hindutva ideology is derived from the same policy. Ajit Doval, one-time spymaster and now the longest-running NSA, remains a major driver of such violent and radical policies. The Sikh and Kashmiri diaspora are now more active and vocal about Indian strong-arm policies and have been successful in making uncomfortable diplomatic scenes in countries like Canada, the UK and the US. Indian foreign policy was further embellished with the report by the European Disinformation Cell, which spelt out Indian presence on different platforms to spread false information and propaganda.
The ‘esteemed’ Mr Jaishankar, during the 20th India-Iran Joint Commission talks in New Delhi in May 2025, claimed “our relationship is grounded in history and sustained by mutual respect and shared interests.” Yet this turned out to be a hoax. India’s role in the recent Israel-Iran conflict remained duplicitous by duping the Iranians with their double-play. Now exposed, they face an embarrassing situation with Iran, and there is no chance of any repairs in diplomatic relations soon.
The Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) was founded in December 2009 by Ajit Doval, who became its founding director after retiring as the director of the Intelligence Bureau in 2005. The VIF is a public policy think tank, funded by RSS-affiliated donors and others, that was established to promote research and studies on national security and strategic issues in India. Alongside, it also promotes the Sangh’s nationalist ideology. With the compliments of Ajit Doval, many of Modi’s foreign policy advisers have links to VIF, and it has a direct effect on the foreign policy of India. Jayadeva Ranade, a renowned China Expert and key member of the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) is associated with Pragna Bharati (RSS-linked policy group), is the President of Centre for China Analysis & Strategy (CCAS), which collaborates with VIF and writes for RSS-aligned publications like Organiser. Similarly, P.S. Raghavan (NSAB Chairman and former diplomat) is amongst the most sought-after speakers at VIF events and regularly engages with Sangh-affiliated think tanks on strategic issues. With so much clout of RSS and VIF within the Indian NSC and NASB, there remains no doubt what inspires Indian strategic foresight and drives foreign policy.
Hindutva-driven foreign policy has blinded the intellectual diversity within the Indian policy-making circles, and there are legitimate concerns regarding regional stability. When dissenting views are sidelined, there are bound to be policy blind spots, and perception would be at odds with reality. India’s policy makers are oblivious to ground realities, overplaying their hand while conducting diplomacy and lacking any finesse. As Theodore Roosevelt said, “No foreign policy – no matter how ingenious – has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of few and carried in the hearts of many.”
Asif Iqbal
The writer is a freelance researcher with a focus on South Asia. He tweets @asifash and can be reached at asifash28protonmail.com