In a press conference on Monday, Maj Gen Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, the DG ISPR, revealed the implementation of disciplinary measures against a number of high-ranking military commanders. The Army has made the decision to dismiss three senior officers, including a Lieutenant General, from their positions. Additionally, the spokesperson reported that three major generals and seven brigadiers' disciplinary cases were over.
This action taken against a large number of senior officers is unparalleled in recent decades, with the last instance of bulk punishments occurring during a mutiny case.
According to top security officials, no evidence points to an internal coup plotted on May 9. The execution of a coup would have required coordination between the alleged perpetrators and individuals within the GHQ, which was not found. The rumours about three corps commanders teaming up to pressure Army Chief Gen Syed Asim Munir on May 9 or a group of generals going to the CJCSC, urging to open a dialogue with Imran Khan are unfounded and part of the disinformation campaign, security officials say.
The sacked officers were held accountable for their negligence and failure to act in protecting military installations. Lt Gen Salman Fayaz Ghani, the former Lahore Corps Commander who has been dismissed, received instructions to enhance security measures as protesters assembled in Lahore.
He opted to permit the mob's unhindered access into the cantonment and instructed the guards to stand down. Lt Gen Ghani mistakenly believed that the protesters were merely expressing their anger and would disperse after venting themselves. However, this proved to be a miscalculation, as the protesters not only trespassed on his official residence but also set it ablaze. The general and his family, who were initially offering tea to the mob to calm down, were forced to evacuate hastily from the premises.
The DG ISPR during the presser stressed that the trial of 102 civilians in military courts will continue, a rebuke and signal to the current Supreme Court proceedings on military trials.
RETIRED BUT ACTIVE
Several retired generals were actively supporting the ‘revival of the project,’ security officials say. One of the retired generals felt that he still had a role to play if Imran Khan made a successful political comeback. He was also tipped to be the next president, or DG ISI. Other generals were sympathetic due to several factors, personal liking for the political leader, hatred for conventional political dynasties and being part of ‘the project.’
They proposed a three-pronged strategy, which included:
SUSTAINED DISPLAY OF POPULARITY: Consistently emphasizing the leader’s popularity and relevance through continuous promotion and messaging.
PRESSURING TOP MILITARY LEADERSHIP: Engaging in verbal attacks on the army chief, DG ISI, DG C, and sector commanders of Lahore and Islamabad, with the intention of creating controversy and potentially leading to their removal from their positions.
ESCALATION OF CONFLICT: Engaging in violent confrontations, protests, and attacks on military installations with the aim of compelling the senior military leadership to respond. The inclusion of casualties would have heightened the impact of the campaign.
THE COST OF CONSTANT BRINKSMANSHIP
Once considered a stronghold of support, the military’s backing played a significant role in Mr. Khan’s ascension to power in 2018. His popularity among military families, who were disenchanted with the corruption of previous civilian governments, was evident as they actively participated in his political rallies.
Even after senior generals withdrew their support last year, Mr. Khan maintained considerable backing from the military community, particularly veterans. However, the tide has turned, and many veterans have distanced themselves from Mr. Khan.
Retired Brigadier Ashfaq Hassan, who was once a staunch supporter, expressed his disillusionment, stating that Mr. Khan is now viewed as an enemy due to his hostile campaign against the Army and its leadership.
Observers note that Mr. Khan’s party was initially pro-establishment, formed to challenge the dominance of political dynasties. It consisted of the urban middle class, military elites, and the business community, all of whom desired stability through military involvement in politics.
Despite initial loyalty, disillusionment grew among party members following Mr. Khan’s removal from power last year, exacerbated by the events of May 9 and the subsequent crackdown. Muhammad Zubair, a former governor, explained that the defections stem from a lack of conviction in the cause and an inability to withstand the mounting pressure.
The effects of the crackdown and defections are apparent, with Mr. Khan’s residence in Lahore now appearing desolate. The number of supporters visiting has dwindled, leaving him isolated and facing a multitude of legal cases.
His persistent antagonistic approach towards the Army Chief and top generals, even after their support, surprised many, considering the upcoming elections and his favourable standing in surveys.
Mr. Khan’s failure to nurture a positive relationship with the new chief and his unwarranted attacks on the military, instead of focusing on the ruling coalition’s mismanagement of the economy, raised eyebrows, Mr. Zubair noted.
This strained dynamic provided an opportunity for those waiting to strike back, ultimately trapping Mr. Khan in a precarious position.
Currently, the outlook appears very bleak for Imran Khan.
